Post-Prandial Philosophy

XXV.

_A POINT OF CRIT­ICISM._

A few pages back, I ven­tured to re­mark that in Utopia or the Mil­len­ni­um the wom­en of the com­mu­ni­ty would prob­ably be sup­port­ed in com­mon by the labour of the men, and so be se­cured com­plete in­de­pen­dence of choice and ac­tion. When these es­says first ap­peared in a dai­ly news­pa­per, a Lead­er among Wom­en wrote to me in re­ply, “What a par­adise you open up to us! Alas for the re­al­ity! The ques­tion is--could wom­en ev­er be re­al­ly in­de­pen­dent if men sup­plied the means of ex­is­tence? They would al­ways feel they had the right to con­trol us. The dif­fer­ence of the po­si­tion of a wom­an in mar­riage when she has got a lit­tle for­tune of her own is some­thing mirac­ulous. Men adore mon­ey, and the pos­ses­sion of it in­spires them with an in­vol­un­tary re­spect for the hap­py pos­ses­sor.”

Now I got a great many let­ters in an­swer to these Post-​Pran­di­als as they orig­inal­ly came out--some of them, strange to say, not whol­ly com­pli­men­ta­ry. As a rule, I am too busy a man to an­swer let­ters: and I take this op­por­tu­ni­ty of apol­ogis­ing to cor­re­spon­dents who write to tell me I am a knave or a fool, for not hav­ing ac­knowl­edged di­rect their cour­te­ous com­mu­ni­ca­tions. But this friend­ly crit­icism seems to call for a re­ply, be­cause it in­volves a ques­tion of prin­ci­ple which I have of­ten not­ed in all dis­cus­sions of Utopias and Mil­len­nia.

For my gen­er­ous crit­ic seems to take it for grant­ed that wom­en are not now de­pen­dent on the labour of men for their sup­port--that some, or even most of them, are in a po­si­tion of free­dom. The plain truth of it is--al­most all wom­en de­pend for ev­ery­thing up­on one man, who is or may be an ab­so­lute despot. A very small num­ber of wom­en have “mon­ey of their own,” as we quaint­ly phrase it--that is to say, are sup­port­ed by the labour of many among us, ei­ther in the form of rent or in the form of in­ter­est on cap­ital be­queathed to them. A wom­an with five thou­sand a year from Con­sols, for ex­am­ple, is in the strictest sense sup­port­ed by the unit­ed labour of all of us--she has a first mort­gage to that amount up­on the earn­ings of the com­mu­ni­ty. You and I are taxed to pay her. But is she there­fore more de­pen­dent than the wom­an who lives up­on what she can get out of the scanty earn­ings of a drunk­en hus­band? Does the com­mu­ni­ty there­fore think it has a right to con­trol her? Not a bit of it. She is in point of fact the on­ly free wom­an among us. My dream was to see all wom­en equal­ly free--in­her­itors from the com­mu­ni­ty of so much of its earn­ings; hold­ers, as it were, of suf­fi­cient world-​con­sols to se­cure their in­de­pen­dence.

That, how­ev­er, is not the main point to which I de­sire just now to di­rect at­ten­tion. I want rather to sug­gest an un­der­ly­ing fal­la­cy of all so-​called in­di­vid­ual­ists in deal­ing with schemes of so-​called So­cial­ism--for to me your So­cial­ist is the true and on­ly in­di­vid­ual­ist. My cor­re­spon­dent's ar­gu­ment is writ­ten from the stand­point of the class in which wom­en have or may have mon­ey. But most wom­en have none; and schemes of re­con­struc­tion must be for the ben­efit of the many. So-​called in­di­vid­ual­ists seem to think that un­der a more or­gan­ised so­cial state they would not be so able to buy pic­tures as at present, not so free to run across to Cal­ifor­nia or Kam­schat­ka. I doubt their pre­miss, for I be­lieve we should all of us be bet­ter off than we are to-​day; but let that pass; 'tis a de­tail. The main thing is this: they for­get that most of us are nar­row­ly tied and cir­cum­scribed at present by end­less mo­nop­olies and end­less re­stric­tions of land or cap­ital. I should like to buy pic­tures; but I can't af­ford them. I long to see Japan; but I shall nev­er get there. The man in the street may de­sire to till the ground: ev­ery acre is ap­pro­pri­at­ed. He may wish to dig coal: Lord Masham pre­vents him. He may have a pret­ty taste in Vene­tian glass: the flints on the shore are pri­vate prop­er­ty; the fur­nace and the im­ple­ments be­long to a cap­ital­ist. Un­der the ex­ist­ing _regime_, the vast mass of us are ham­pered at ev­ery step in or­der that a few may en­joy huge mo­nop­olies. Most men have no land, so that one man may own a coun­ty. And they call this In­di­vid­ual­ism!

In con­sid­er­ing any pro­posed change, whether im­mi­nent or dis­tant, in prac­tice or in day-​dream, it is not fair to take as your stan­dard of ref­er­ence the most high­ly-​favoured in­di­vid­uals un­der ex­ist­ing con­di­tions. Nor is it fair to take the most un­for­tu­nate on­ly. You should look at the av­er­age.

Now the av­er­age man, in the world as it wags, is a farm-​labour­er, an ar­ti­san, a mill-​hand, a navvy. He has un­tram­melled free­dom of con­tract to fol­low the plough on an­oth­er man's land, or to work twelve hours a day in an­oth­er man's fac­to­ry, for that oth­er man's ben­efit--pro­vid­ed al­ways he can on­ly in­duce the oth­er man to em­ploy him. If he can't, he is at per­fect lib­er­ty to tramp the high road till he drops with fa­tigue, or to starve, un­hin­dered, on the Thames Em­bank­ment. He may live where he likes, as far as his means per­mit; for ex­am­ple, in a con­ve­nient court off Sev­en Di­als. He may make his own free bar­gain with grasp­ing land­lord or ex­act­ing sweater. He may walk over ev­ery inch of En­glish soil, with the tri­fling ex­cep­tion of the mil­lions of acres where tres­passers will be pros­ecut­ed. Even trav­el is not de­nied him: Flo­rence and Venice are out of his beat, it is true; but if he saves up his loose cash for a cou­ple of months, he may rev­el in the Ori­en­tal lux­ury of a third-​class ex­cur­sion train to Brighton and back for three shillings. Such ad­van­tages does the _regime_ of land­lord-​made in­di­vid­ual­ism af­ford to the av­er­age run of British cit­izen. If he fails in the race, he may re­tire at sev­en­ty to the ease and com­fort of the Union work­house, and be buried in­ex­pen­sive­ly at the cost of his parish.

The av­er­age wom­an in turn is the wife of such a man, de­pen­dent up­on him for what frac­tion of his earn­ings she can save from the pub­lic-​house. Or she is a shop-​girl, free to stand all day from eight in the morn­ing till ten at night be­hind a counter, and to throw up her sit­ua­tion if it doesn't suit her. Or she is a do­mes­tic ser­vant, en­joy­ing the glo­ri­ous lib­er­ty of a Sun­day out ev­ery sec­ond week, and a walk with her young man ev­ery al­ter­nate Wednes­day af­ter eight in the evening. She has full leave to do her love-​mak­ing in the open street, and to get as wet as she choos­es in Re­gent's Park on rainy nights in Novem­ber. Look the ques­tion in the face, and you will see for your­self that the mass of moth­ers in ev­ery com­mu­ni­ty are de­pen­dent for sup­port, not up­on men in gen­er­al, but up­on a sin­gle man, their hus­band, against whose caprices and despo­tism they have no sort of pro­tec­tion. Even the few wom­en who are, as we say, “in­de­pen­dent,” how are they sup­port­ed, save by the labour of many men who work to keep them in com­fort or lux­ury? They are landown­ers, let us put it; and then they are sup­port­ed by the labour of their farm­ers and plough­men. Or they hold North-​West­ern shares; and then they are sup­port­ed by the labour of col­liers, and stok­ers, and guards, and en­gine-​drivers. And so on through­out. The plain fact is, ei­ther a wom­an must earn her own liveli­hood by work, which, in the case of the moth­ers in a com­mu­ni­ty, is bad pub­lic pol­icy; or else she must be sup­port­ed by a man or men, her hus­band, or her labour­ers.

My day-​dream was, then, to make ev­ery wom­an in­de­pen­dent, in pre­cise­ly the same sense that wom­en of prop­er­ty are in­de­pen­dent at present. Would it give them a con­scious­ness of be­ing un­du­ly con­trolled if they de­rived their sup­port from the gen­er­al funds of the body politic, of which they would be free and equal mem­bers and vot­ers? Well, look at sim­ilar cas­es in our own Eng­land. The Dukes of Marl­bor­ough de­rive a heavy pen­sion from the tax­es of the coun­try; but I have nev­er ob­served that any Duke of Marl­bor­ough of my time felt him­self a slave to the im­pe­ri­ous tax­pay­er. Mr. Al­fred Rus­sel Wal­lace is just­ly the re­cip­ient of a Civ­il List an­nu­ity; but that hasn't pre­vent­ed his ac­tive and es­sen­tial­ly in­di­vid­ual­ist brain from in­vent­ing Land Na­tion­al­isa­tion. Mr. Robert Buchanan very right­ly draws an­oth­er such an­nu­ity for good work done; but Mr. Buchanan's name is not quite the first that ris­es nat­ural­ly to my lips as an ex­am­ple of cowed and cring­ing syco­phancy to the ideas and ide­als of his fel­low-​cit­izens. No, no; be sure of it, this ter­ror is a phan­tom. One mas­ter is re­al, re­al­is­able, in­stant; but to be de­pen­dent up­on ten mil­lion is just what we al­ways de­scribe as in­de­pen­dence.

THE END.

PRINT­ED BY BAL­LAN­TYNE, HAN­SON AND CO. ED­IN­BURGH AND LON­DON.

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